A new prison reform bill introduced by Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has faced criticism from opposition lawmakers. They argue that the proposal neglects the issues faced by political prisoners and could further undermine public confidence in the judiciary, as reported by Turkish media.
Presented to parliament on Thursday, the 30-article bill is part of the government’s larger 10th Judicial Reform Package and includes changes to nine different laws. The legislation aims to alleviate overcrowding and strengthen enforcement, mandating actual prison time for sentences under two years in cases considered to have provoked public outrage.
The bill broadens the criteria for house arrest, particularly benefiting women, elderly inmates, and individuals with serious health issues. Abdullah Güler, the chair of the AKP parliamentary group, estimates that around 19,800 inmates could take advantage of provisions for conditional release aimed at repeat offenders. Additionally, between 1,500 and 2,000 prisoners may be eligible for home detention due to medical or humanitarian reasons.
This legislation would significantly lengthen the duration of house arrest: inmates aged 70 and older could serve up to four years at home, those over 75 could serve up to five years, and those over 80 could serve up to six years. Furthermore, the maximum term for women, minors, and inmates over 65 would increase from one year to three years.
The bill proposes stricter penalties for firearm use in residential neighborhoods, enhances rehabilitation programs for juvenile offenders, and raises minimum sentences for crimes like drunk driving and domestic violence-related assaults.
Critics Condemn Omission of Political Prisoners
Opposition parties have labeled the bill as insufficient and misleading. Özgür Özel, the leader of the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), stated in a press briefing on Friday that the proposal does not fulfill public expectations, particularly in light of speculation that it might result in the release of political detainees.
“The bill presented to the committee has fallen short in several areas,” Özel stated, referencing previous discussions with the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party). These talks had raised expectations for mass releases ahead of the upcoming Eid al-Adha holiday as part of peace initiatives.
Following a significant announcement on May 12 by the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which declared its intention to disarm and disband after peace negotiations with its imprisoned leader, Abdullah Öcalan, there has been increased hope for the release of individuals incarcerated for alleged PKK affiliation.
Özel cautioned that raising expectations among the families of prisoners without fulfilling them is “traumatic” and criticized the government for its lack of transparency.
Sezai Temelli, the deputy group chair of the DEM Party, was quite direct during a live appearance on Halk TV, stating that the legislation “delivered less than nothing.” He emphasized that there were particularly high hopes for the potential release of political prisoners, including Selahattin Demirtaş, the former co-chair of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), which is the predecessor of the DEM Party.
CHP lawmaker Sezgin Tanrıkulu shared similar concerns in a post on X, accusing the government of inciting unrest by raising expectations it did not fulfill. “Your sentencing reform proposal is causing public outrage,” he wrote, urging the AKP to amend the bill before the holiday to avoid further public disillusionment.
Justice Minister Yılmaz Tunç has advocated for the proposal, viewing it as a move towards a more effective penal system and enhanced deterrence. In contrast, opposition leaders contend that the bill overlooks fundamental issues, particularly the expansive and heavily criticized counterterrorism laws that have been employed to criminalize dissent and stifle freedom of expression.
Overcrowding and political repression intensify the situation. The bill is perceived as an effort to alleviate the overcrowding in Turkey’s prison system. As of March, the country’s 395 correctional facilities were accommodating 398,694 inmates, which is nearly 99,000 more than their total capacity of 299,940, leading to an occupancy rate of 133.9 percent. Notably, the prison population surged by over 14,000 between January and March, despite the closure of 10 smaller facilities.
The recent increase in arrests has largely been driven by ongoing political crackdowns. Protests erupted following the imprisonment of İstanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, leading to further actions against individuals associated with the Gülen movement, which is faith-based. The Turkish government alleges that the Gülen movement was behind the failed coup in July 2016, a claim the group vehemently refutes. Since that attempted coup, tens of thousands of individuals believed to be supporters have been arrested or removed from public service, a situation critics describe as a systematic campaign of repression.
